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In 1883, less than 20 years after his emancipation, Curtis Gentry bought nearly 1,500 acres of vacant land in Shiloh, a rural community in the Alabama district where he was once enslaved. Together with his brother Turner, with whom he was able to reunite after emancipation – in contrast to the members of so many other black families – Gentry cleared this property, uprooted trees, bushes and undergrowth. Once the land was arable, he planted and harvested a variety of crops, including ribbon cane, corn, and peas.

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“He was a hard worker,” Bernice Atchison, Gentry’s grandson-in-law, told me. “Not only did he clear his own land, but he also took jobs to help whites clear their land.” He taught his family how to run the farm while working on other people’s farms, thus bringing in extra money into the household.

Gentry’s children continued to work after their father died, and each subsequent generation was trained to look after their inherited property. When Atchison married Gentry’s grandson Allen in 1953, the young couple were given nearly 280 acres of farmland, which also included amenities built by those who came earlier. “We had a tube mill that made syrup. We had a sawmill. There was an old still that was used to make whiskey, ”said Atchison. “I loved farming because you have to come to understand the land.”

In 1959 the Atchisons bought another 39 hectares and two years later they built a house to raise eight children. The couple sold vegetables and products to loyal customers, most of whom worked in nearby factories and mills. In 1981, shortly after the Atchisons were certified as pig farmer by the US Department of Agriculture, they received a letter from the USDA informing them that they had qualified for federal loans to “buy farrowing pens for the sows in where their little babies can be accommodated “. called. She and Allen had spent years helping neighbors build their own farrowing pens, which had been paid for with USDA farm subsidies. “We helped Mr. Waldruf and Mr. Jones and Mr. Scott and saw that the loan program had worked for them. So we went to the USDA to get the money to build ours, ”she said. Related article

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But there was one crucial difference. “They were white and we were black,” explained Atchison. When she and Allen went to the local farm service; In 1981, the FSA representative, a white man named Mr. Byrd, informed them that no loan applications were available, Atchison said. On a return visit, Byrd told the couple that he saw no reason to expand their farm.

The Atchisons made several follow-up trips to the FSA office, but each time Byrd informed them that they would have to wait for the local white farmers to receive their USDA loans before the couple could even apply. From the early 1980s through the 1990s, the Atchisons were denied USDA subsidies not only for farrowing pens and pig feed, but also for equipment, fertilizer, and land purchases. “We had been trying for several years to go back and get credit that supposedly was available. And of course he just told us that there was no money or that it was all gone, ”Atchison said. “It happened for several years, year after year. He would tell you, ‘Oh, come back in the spring. Then maybe there will be some [money]. “” Once when they managed to fill out an application, “Mr. Byrd tore up our application and threw it in the trash. I gave him my opinion and he said, ‘Nigger, there is no money for you.’ “

The couple received no response to several complaints they made to the USDA’s Washington, DC Civil Rights Office sent. Ronald Reagan gutted the office to investigate them in 1983. “Back in Alabama, Byrd retained his position as the agency’s local credit gatekeeper. Topical issue

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Since 1965, several federal agencies – most notably the USDA itself – have issued reports in which they As the US Commission on Civil Rights put it earlier this year, “cite unmistakable evidence that it is as Racial Discrimination ”within the Ministry of Agriculture“ served to accelerate displacement and impoverishment ”. The USDA systematically blocked access to critical federal funding for black farmers through discriminatory loan refusals and deliberate delays in financial aid. “If you are black and were born south of the Mason-Dixon line and tried to farm, you have been discriminated against,” said Lloyd Wright, director of the USDA bureau for civil rights under Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and a farmer from Black Virginia told me. The debts that the black farmers accumulated as a result cost them millions of acres, which were then bought up by white buyers. In 1920 the number of black farmers peaked at almost 1 million, which was 14 percent of all farmers. But between 1910 and 1997 they lost 90 percent of their property. (White farmers lost just 2 percent over the same period.) In 2017, there were only 35,470 black-owned farms, which is 1.7 percent of all farms. The land that black farmers lost, some 16 million acres, is conservatively valued today at $ 250-350 billion.

In 1997, Bernice Atchison joined forces as plaintiff in Pigford v. Glickman, a class action lawsuit filed by black farmers against the USDA for alleging the agency discriminated against them and failed to respond adequately to discrimination complaints. In the consent decree issued two years later and in a second settlement in 2010, the USDA agreed to provide applicants with foreclosure relief, priority considerations for future federal farm loans, access to the agency’s land holdings, and billions of dollars to cover the illicit debt and interest charges, resulting from the agency’s discrimination. But the promised solution never came. Instead, the USDA continued to foreclosure black peasant land, and the George W. Bush and Obama Justice Department poured millions of dollars into fighting claims and refusing to pay off. Many surviving Pigford farmers are now more in debt than they were before the lawsuit. Speaking of which: Bernice Atchison in 2004 preparing a hearing before Congress. Atchison was a public critic of the Pigford settlement. (Courtesy of Bernice Atchison’s family) Speaking of: Bernice Atchison in 2004 preparing for a congressional hearing. Atchison was a public critic of the Pigford settlement. (Courtesy of Bernice Atchison’s family)

Atchison was among those who never got debt relief. She has become one of Pigford’s most visible and vocal plaintiffs and testified before Congress about the failure of the settlement. Atchison and her family have lost more than 250 acres since the 1980s. She still works the 60 acres that remain and collects “enough to fill my three freezers” and share with her children. ; Allen died in 1992 amid the couple’s struggles with the USDA.

In March 2021, President Joe Biden signed the coronavirus bailout package that includes $ 4 billion in debt relief Slavery “, although economists from Duke University and Harvard Law School reported that the measure offered a” small amount “compared to the real value of the land.

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In the discussion about the bill, the fact that it only offers debt relief to farmers with outstanding USDA loans. But because of the agency’s racist lending policies, few black farmers have even received USDA money. Wright estimates that only 8 percent of black farmers would benefit from a USDA loan cancellation program. Nonetheless, at least 13 lawsuits were filed by white farmers arguing that the law allowed “reverse racism” to be unconstitutional. Injunctions issued in these cases by judges in Tennessee, Florida, and Wisconsin have effectively halted debt relief.

“For 150 years, black farmers have been denied services by the Ministry of Agriculture. Now that some money is about to go to people who have been harmed over the past century and a half, white farmers have suddenly decided that it is inappropriate for one group to get money that another group can’t, ”Wright told me. “I tell people we didn’t get 40 acres and a mule. Even under Pigford, black farmers received no debt relief. So this [the withdrawal freeze] is in line with all of the other promises that have been broken. “

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The USDA has vowed to fight these lawsuits, but many doubt they will ever see fairness from “the last plantation,” as the USDA is called among black farmers. Atchison told me she doesn’t hope her acres will be returned.

“The land has been resold a few times since the original sale. I don’t know if it can ever be restored, ”she said. “If I had got these credits, just think about where we would be today. Think about the assets I would have today. That was generational wealth. Our wealth has been taken away. ”Working the Land: A Black Farmer in Tennessee in 1970. The number of black farmers peaked at one million in 1920. (Robert Abbott Sengstacke / Getty)

Working the land: A black farmer in Tennessee in 1970. The number of black farmers peaked at one million in 1920. (Robert Abbott Sengstacke / Getty)

The use of debt to take control of more and more land in the United States is almost as old as the land itself. In 1803, Thomas Jefferson advocated usurious loans to indigenous peoples as a colonial land grab. “To encourage this tendency to trade land they; have and we want, “wrote Jefferson in a letter to future President William Henry Harrison,” we will push our trading houses forward and be glad that the good and influential people among them go into debt because we observe that when this debt is over beyond what individuals can pay, they will be willing to deprive them of land. ”During the civil war, black slavery was abolished in name, only to be replaced within a decade by debt slavery in the form of participation . Instead of partaking in the crops of the farmland they worked, black landless workers – many of whom were tenants on the same land they were once enslaved on – were caught in a cycle of eternal debt and poverty. Under the Black Codes, a series of repressive laws enacted throughout the south during the reconstruction, African Americans could be arrested for breaking or trying to renegotiate employment contracts and fined to work off. Attempts to escape debt bondage have been responded to with white terrorist violence. Black tenants involved in union endeavors and other deviant acts were massacred in Elaine, Ark., In 1919; In 1931 at Camp Hill, Ala .; and in Lowndes County, Ala., in 1935.

The reversal of the government’s promise to give 40 acres of land and a mule to millions of newly emancipated Blacks was contrary to its policy of giving land to white citizens. The Homestead Act of 1862 took approximately 270 million acres of territory that had been stripped from the Native Americans – 10 percent of all US public land – and distributed it in 160-acre parcels to 1.6 million Americans, nearly all of them domestic or otherwise foreign-born whites. the ancestors of approximately 45 million living American adults who continue to reap generational wealth from this land grab. The Southern Homestead Act of 1866 also placed free and inexpensive public land in the hands of a predominantly white cohort of owners. Although denied such government grants, emancipated black farmers had acquired 3 million acres by 1875, a number that would rise to 12 million by 1900. Black farmers’ land ownership peaked in 1910 when they were between 15 million and 19 million hectares.

In the 20th century, mechanization and industrialization transformed farms from “labor-intensive to capital-intensive operations,” as historian Pete Daniel writes. Debt became endemic as farmers borrowed money during the planting season and reclaimed the funds when the crops were harvested and sold. “If you don’t get your money on time, you can’t be successful,” Lucious Abrams, one of the six original Pigford litigants, told me. “To have a successful harvest, you need to start on the first of the year by applying your liquors and fertilizers, preparing your land, and seeing what kind of nutrients to apply there. When you get your money in May or June, it’s almost time to start harvesting again. ”For Abrams, the USDA loan disbursements often didn’t come in time:“ You just stretch it out and you get your money late . You don’t get enough money to work – just enough to hang yourself. ”

Abrams’ experience was not an isolated one. As the House Committee on Government Operations noted in a 1990 report, the USDA “has categorically and systematically denied minority farmers access and full participation in the multitude of federal government programs designed to help them,” and is therefore “directly responsible for the loss of land and “resources that these farmers have experienced.”

A study commissioned by the USDA in 1996 found that “97 percent of disaster payments went to white farmers while less than 1 percent went to black farmers” and that white men received thousands more in loan packages than black men. The agency’s Civil Rights Action Team (CRAT) found in 1997 that it took the USDA “three times as long” to process black farmer loans as it did white farmer loans, and even when a loan is approved, it often “never comes an … It is impossible for the farmer to earn money with the farm. “

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The CRAT study also found that black farmers who “Well before the planting season” asked for credit from their local FSA office, were often falsely informed that no applications were available or that critical information needed to process the application was denied. In 1998, the USDA’s National Commission on Small Farms reported that black farmers were exposed to “indifference and blatant discrimination … in their interactions with USDA programs and employees.”

Local control over USDA loan disbursements is at the heart of the problem, Wright and others said. Three to eleven-member elected bodies, called county committees, essentially control every aspect of FSA grant distribution at the local level, including the recruitment of staff in the agency offices. “The circuit committee system is set up to take care of your family, friends, and yourself. And blacks aren’t one of the above, ”Wright told me. “You have to eliminate the district committees and … [hire] federally like the rest of the government. Local control is great in most environments, but it has never worked with blacks. ”

The USDA’s terrible treatment of black farmers also results from a civil rights division that has repeatedly failed its responsibilities to the farmers it serves and their own employees. The agency has been pursuing allegations of racism against employees since the 1970s.

“We have racist surnames. We had people called “niggers”. We had women who were attacked. We have retaliated against women for filing complaints, ”said Lawrence Lucas, a senior USDA official for nearly two decades and a past president of the USDA Coalition of Minority Employees. “The USDA culture is why black farmers have the problems they have now.” Bitter harvest: Bernice Atchison on her farm. Her and her husband Allen were denied USDA loans in the 1980s and early 1990s. (Courtesy of Bernice Atchison’s family)

Bitter harvest: Bernice Atchison on her farm. Her and her husband Allen were denied USDA loans in the 1980s and early 1990s. (Courtesy of Bernice Atchison’s family)

The problems with Pigford started even before the consent decree was approved. More than 40 civil rights groups and plaintiffs, including Timothy Pigford, appealed the proposed settlement agreement to the U.S. District Court, and in March 1999 hundreds of indebted farmers moved to Washington, DC, to appeal in person. USDA attorneys and senior class attorney Alexander Pires testified that every farmer would receive full debt relief under the consent decree they negotiated, which established a two-pronged system. Track A offered, in Pire’s words, a “virtually automatic” payment of $ 50,000 to farmers, even if they lacked documentary evidence. This was ideal as most farmers kept no records, Pires testified, noting that he had skipped the discovery process during the negotiations for the same reason.

Track B offered unlimited money if farmers had documents to back up their debts, but the stricter “standard of evidence was not onerous,” USDA attorneys testified. And if none of the tracks suited a farmer, the lawyers claimed, they could opt out of the decree and file their own lawsuit.

The plaintiffs responded with a litany of objections. The consent decree did not oblige the USDA to return unlawfully confiscated farmland, nor did it instruct the USDA to punish discriminatory employees. (The USDA specifically declined Judge Paul Friedman’s request to add a sentence saying it would use “best efforts” in the future to ensure that employees comply with anti-discrimination laws.) Farmers argued that 50,000 US dollars “don’t even buy a medium-sized tractor,” as Pigford complainant Vernon Breckinridge put it. (The class plaintiff admitted having estimated that the $ 50,000 figure would be enough for black farmers, based on the $ 37,500 payment received by Tuskegee experiment victims, although agricultural economist Donald McDowell received an adequate one Complaints of $ 250,000.) Plaintiffs also challenged the class plaintiff’s decision to negotiate the disclosure, which meant the USDA was under no obligation to provide information to black farmers, including from farmers’ own files . If an arbitrator ruled against a black farmer, the farmer received no money at all and had no right to appeal.

“If I were a mass murderer convicted of the world’s most heinous crime, I have the right to appeal,” said James Morrison of the National Black Farmers Association at the hearing. “Are you telling me that the farmer who has been farming all his life, who has been vilified, who has been scourged, who has seen nothing but pure hell, has no way of controlling what his destiny is based on? ”

Over these protests, Judge Friedman approved the consent decree in April 1999, writing in his opinion that it was “a good first step”. The group lawyer had estimated the number of complainants at 2,000. Instead, more than 22,000 black farmers applied and were deemed eligible to join the class.

Five years later it was clear that the approval decree had failed. A 2004 study by the Environmental Working Group (EWG) found that 9 out of 10 black farmers were “denied any recovery”. An estimated 64,000 farmers were turned down for missing the court’s original filing deadline despite filing claims before the court’s “late-suit” deadline. Another 9,000 had their claims refuted and received nothing. Only 10 percent of the 173 eligible Track B applicants received compensation. Of Pigford’s 22,700 plaintiffs, only 371 received any type of debt relief.

Under the Bush administration, the USDA “aggressively fought claims made by African American farmers by entering into contracts with US Department of Justice attorneys who spent at least 56,000 man hours and $ 12 million challenging individual farmer claims”, found the EWG study. In many cases, local USDA FSA officials simply denied allegations of racial discrimination by black farmers. Justice Undone: J.L. Chestnut, a civil rights and Pigford class action lawyer, raised concerns about the settlement after seeing the number of claims rejected.

Justice Undone: J.L. Chestnut, a civil rights and Pigford class action lawyer, raised concerns about the settlement after seeing the number of claims rejected.

“The government is holding back progress with technical details; and the same USDA agents who discriminated against farmers in the first place are now being called upon to respond to and reject applications from members of the black farming class. The judges don’t make fair and consistent decisions, which has resulted in a lot of rejections, ”said J.L. Chestnut, a black civil rights attorney and Pigford class action lawyer, in 2000 after seeing the number of rejections. His lawyer added that black farmers “should take to the streets to fight for justice in this case.” Do not trust the judge, lawyer, judge, monitor or anyone else to solve this case. ”

A major obstacle to compensation was the standard of the Consent Decree for “specially identified, similarly situated white farmers” requiring black farmers to locate a white farmer “in their district who applied for the same benefit program with the same acreage at the same time , same type of harvest, same credit history, and higher pay or better treatment than the African American farmer. ”The USDA had some of this information on file, but the agency’s lawyers declined inquiries from black farmers and black farmers under the Freedom of Information Act from their lawyers. Without these details, the Pigford farmers were forced to rely on public records and guesswork. A black farmers attorney described that applications were denied because of misspellings of white farmers’ names and other minor issues.

“By the time they gave the discovery away, we were already sold out because then the burden of proof was put back on the farmers – but they already had evidence that discrimination had occurred across the country over the years,” Abrams told me . “She and Al Pires, the last thing they told me was that I would have to find a similar white farmer. How can I do that other than break into their fancy USDA offices, go through all the files, and then leave the police out there to take my bum to jail? ”

In October 2000, just two weeks before an important filing deadline, Pires and his team admitted in court that they were way behind. To ensure that “attorneys’ omissions should not be viewed on their clients,” Judge Friedman added provisions to ensure claims are not excluded from review. Less than six months later, he found that the attorneys had “once” “failed to meet the minimum requirement” with timely filings, which he described as a “worrying trend”. Less than two weeks later, after the class council made what Judge Friedman called “the remarkable admission that they never had a realistic expectation of meeting target dates,” the court began imposing daily fines on them for being late. Rather than improving filing rates, “lawyers are drastically increasing the rate at which they have withdrawn petitions,” a move that, wrote Judge Friedman, “calls into question the class attorney’s loyalty to their client” and “verges on errors of law” . The US Court of Appeals also issued a statement in 2002 stating that black farmers had experienced “double betrayal, first by the [USDA] and then by their own lawyers,” because of the incompetence of class lawyers. Fearing the fate of black farmers, in 2001 Judge Friedman asked the American Bar Association’s Pro Bono and Public Services Committee to “assemble a team of pro bono lawyers to help the class attorney in an emergency.” The effort has brought little.

“I went through two or three of these types of lawyers after Pires left me,” Abrams told me. “You sign up, they keep you for about a month, and then next you drop. Then a new one comes in, does the same. ”Generational wealth: Bernard Bates as a child on his family’s farm in Nicodemus, Kan., With his grandfather, who farmed 200 hectares of land there, and other family members. (Courtesy of the Bernard Bates family)

Generational wealth: Bernard Bates was a child on his family’s farm in Nicodemus, Can., With his grandfather, who worked 200 acres there, and other family members. (Courtesy of Bernard Bates’ family)

Bernard Bates had lost 950 acres of land, including approximately 200 acres originally inhabited by his grandfather, who settled in Nicodemus, Kansas, years after his own father passed away fled the civil war from the south. Bates told me that after some difficult years in the 1980s, he tried to get a USDA loan but an application was turned down. He came to Pigford, but his lawyer was of little use. “When we met up with Pigford, I thought we had some help,” said Ava Bates, Bernard’s wife. “But in the end it was just one run. The lawyer lied all along. When we got home and [Bernard] tried to contact her, they never answered the phone. You promised us a lot, but it wasn’t worth a scream. ”

In 2012, the former president of Bates’ local credit union signed an affidavit confirming that the lender’s board of directors, the state bank, and the local USDA office had worked together “to get Bernard out of farming” and that it had been decided “rather foreclose, even if they lost money, rather than take Bernard’s money.” To date, he has not received any debt relief or his land back.

Attorney Tracy McCurty, the director of the Black Belt Justice Center and co-organizer of a debt relief campaign for Pigford farmers, said there was a “bright spot” in 2010 when Obama received $ 1.25 billion in debt relief funds approved black farmers who had been excluded from the original class action lawsuit, a settlement that came to be known as Pigford II. But McCurty, Wright, and several farmers told me that much of the money was wasted because of poor supervision.

“Some of the lawyers told the farmers that the agreement said in black and white, ‘You’re going to get debt relief, so you really don’t have to pay any more for it. Buy fodder and manure and start farming, ”Wright told me. “Some of the farmers who could have struggled and paid their debts didn’t because they were told they didn’t have to. In the end, interest and penalties piled up for those five years, and it was so steep that now they couldn’t pay anymore. So many of them have lost land that they would not otherwise have. ”

Pires and his team received $ 15 million. After the second Pigford settlement, Judge Friedman granted a second team of attorneys a motion for $ 90 million in attorney’s fees and expenses. “They may have filled their pockets, but they didn’t do anything for the farmers,” said Everlyn Bryant, a Pigford legacy farmer from Arkansas. She and her late husband got $ 50,000 – far less than the debt relief her family needed. They lost 900 acres to USDA foreclosure. “Even after the approval decree was passed, I told the lawyers that $ 50,000 is nothing for a real farmer. It won’t even pay the diesel bill for a month. ”

“Since the Pigford debacle, their USDA creditworthiness has been ruined because the farmers owe this enormous amount of debt. Your creditworthiness is in ruins with other traditional lenders, ”McCurty said. “How is it that these older farmers in their 70s and 80s who have suffered for over 30 years still have to present themselves to federal court to delay foreclosure proceedings?”

“One of the things that really hurt was that I went across the country and talked to all these black farmers. And they should do it all over again – and everything I told them was a lie, ”Abrams told me. Because his wife was under threat of foreclosure, she suffered a nervous breakdown; he suffered from high blood pressure, diabetes and kidney failure. “I thought Pigford would make it whole again in his lifetime. Many of them died. “The Family Trust: Three generations of Bernice Atchison’s family at work on their Alabama farm. (Courtesy of Bernice Atchison’s family)

The Family Trust: Three Generations of Bernice Atchisons Family at work on their Alabama farm. (Courtesy of Bernice Atchison’s family)

In December 2020, President Biden named Tom Vilsack Secretary of Agriculture, infuriating many of the Pigford litigants. Lucas, the former president of the USDA The Coalition of Minority Employees said at the time it was inundated with calls from black farmers worried that the appointment of Vilsack, whom they believed had “shown such arrogance and indifference to civil rights,” was confirmed by theirs Fear that they would never get justice. When Vilsack left the Department of Agriculture at the end of Obama’s tenure in 2016; he painted a rosy picture of the steps the USDA had taken to improve conditions for black farmers and end systemic racism within the agency. But according to Nathan Rosenberg and Bryce Wilson Stucki, who conducted a two-year analysis of Vilsack’s claims for The Counter, an investigative newsroom focused on food, the former Secretary of Agriculture and his team skewed data to cover up the USDA’s ongoing failure, Black to serve farmers. (Vilsack also made headlines in 2010 for firing Black USDA agent Shirley Sherrod on false accusations.) Untreated Bush-era discrimination complaints, which he and his team found 4,000 were eligible. Many of these complaints exceeded the two-year deadline for receiving compensation, so Wright and others sought a resolution. “We were drafting a statute of limitations extension bill, and some members of the Congressional Black Caucus found the money to pay for it, and that bill was passed twice in the House of Representatives,” Wright said. But the bill ran into roadblocks in the Senate. “My office didn’t have the same contacts in the Senate as we did in the House of Representatives. I found out that not only did Secretary Vilsack not help us, but that he might have poured sand into the gears. He gave me zero help trying to get it done. ”

Investigation of the counter showed that these farmers had never paid their unjustified debts. “The USDA actually foreclosed some of them and tried to foreclose others before their cases were resolved – despite a moratorium imposed on this very practice under the Agriculture Act of 2008,” reported Rosenberg and Stucki. Indeed, from 2006-2016, the USDA closed “Black-owned farms to a greater extent than any other racial group…. The agency was more than six times as likely to foreclose a black pawn as a white, ”they wrote.

“You just can’t assume that every time you fail it’s because of discrimination,” Vilsack later said. “I think you can do your client a service by not only fighting hard for them but also explaining why they didn’t get the help they were entitled to and that has nothing to do with the color of their skin or their culture or whatever. ”

“The reason we don’t trust Tom Vilsack is because farmers kept losing their land during his tenure,” Wright told me. After all, the discrimination that fueled the Pigford lawsuit is not a thing of the past. A study by Politico found that last year the USDA “only granted 37 percent of black applicants loans in a program that helps farmers pay for land, equipment and repairs, but accepted 71 percent of applications from white farmers.”

Wright doesn’t hope black farmers will ever get their rights. “Trump was able to pay the farmers those soybean payments when the product price fell because China wasn’t buying soybeans,” he said. “If you want to do something, you do it. If you don’t want to, edit it. And all the Department of Agriculture has done since this government came in is the trial when it comes to people of color. ”

The USDA has announced that it will tackle the lawsuits that are currently holding back debt relief payments to black farmers. In August, however, the authorities did not appeal against one of the interim injunctions in due time. McCurty, who has been helping black farmers legal issues for years, believes winning in court is definitely a long way to go. She has urged Senator Raphael Warnock, who proposed $ 4 billion debt relief in a standalone bill in February, and Senate co-sponsor Cory Booker look for more creative solutions. In September, Booker announced plans to include debt settlement for blacks and other minority farmers in the budget adjustment package the Democrats are currently working on.

To get around the lawsuits preventing the disbursement of the funds allocated by the Covid Relief Act, the proposed bill would amend the American bailout plan by removing any mention of “socially disadvantaged farmers”. Instead, the bill’s provisions provide for 100 percent cancellation of loans to USDA land borrowers that fall into the “economically distressed” category. It also provides $ 1 billion to help reschedule farmers. And just over a billion more will be split across services, including $ 350 million for those “determined to have been discriminated against in the Department of Agriculture’s farm lending programs.”

Wright, McCurty and Lucas, who advised Democrats on implementing the bill, warn that history shows that if the USDA does not specifically take precautions against black farmers, they will almost certainly be discriminated against again. To that end, Wright has suggested that “historically underserved farmers” should be a criterion for eligibility for full debt relief and that the $ 350 million allocated to victims of USDA discrimination should be increased to $ 1 billion .

But whether a reconciliation law will be passed at all remains to be seen. And every few months another Pigford farmer dies without seeing the federal government or this country agree with them. “Martin Luther King once said that telling blacks to wait is the same as saying ‘never’,” Wright told me. “I am not optimistic that they will be exempted from any of these provisions, although I am convinced that the President really intended these programs to be implemented fairly. The last plantation has not yet caught up. ”

Kali HollowayKali Holloway is a columnist for The Nation and director of the Make It Right Project, a new national campaign to destroy Confederate monuments and tell the truth about history. Her texts have appeared in Salon, The Guardian, The Daily Beast, Time, AlterNet, Truthdig, The Huffington Post, The National Memo, Jezebel, Raw Story and numerous other media.

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window.open (tn_current_url ‘? print = 1&comment = 1’, ‘_ blank’);
}different{
window.open (tn_current_url ‘? print = 1’, ‘_ blank’);
}
return wrong;
}

/ *
* @function sailthru action tout
* /

Function add_action_tout_sailthru (post_id) {

var ajaxurl = ajax_object.ajax_url;
var sailthru_email_take_action = document.getElementById (‘take_action_sailthru_email_’ post_id) .value;
if (sailthru_email_take_action! = ”) {
var take_action_sailthru_list_final = document.getElementById (‘take_action_sailthru_list_final_’ post_id) .value;
var action_tout_sailthru = ‘action_tout_sailthru’;
jQuery.ajax ({
URL: ajaxurl,
Type: “POST”,
data: “sailthru_email_take_action =” sailthru_email_take_action “&take_action_sailthru_list_final =” take_action_sailthru_list_final “&action =” action_tout_sailthru,
Success: Function (data) {
document.getElementById (‘action_tout_response_’ post_id) .innerHTML = data;
document.getElementById (‘take_action_sailthru_email_’ post_id) .value = ”;
}
});
}different{
var error_msg = ‘Please enter your email’;
document.getElementById (‘action_tout_response_’ post_id) .innerHTML = error_msg;
}
}

/ *
* Check for logged in user
* /
Function getParaOneNextStep (ArticlePostId, step) {
if (typeof articlePostId! == typeof undefined && is_user_logged_in! = null && typeof Paragraph_module! = typeof undefined && Paragraph_module [articlePostId] [step] .user_logged_in == 1)
Step = parseInt (step) 1;
Step = (step> 5)? 0: step;
Step = getParaOneNextStep (ArticlePostId, step);
}
Return step;
}

/ *
* @function email login logic
* /
Function email_signup_module (articlePostId) {

/ *
* Check for email login cookie
* /
if (typeof Paragraph_module [articlePostId]! == typeof undefined) {

/ * Hide everything * /
$ (. abody- “articlePostId” .email-signup-module “). hide ();
/ * Hide everything * /

var TNstep = getCookie (‘TNstep’);
if (TNstep! = null) {

var step = getParaOneNextStep (articlePostId, TNstep);
$ (. abody- “articlePostId” .email-signup-module.para-one- “Paragraph_module [articlePostId] [step] .order” “) .show ();

/ * Show event tracking * /
ParagraphOneShowEvent (articlePostId, step);
/ * Show event tracking * /
}different{
var TNlifetime = getCookie (‘TNlifetime’);
if (TNlifetime! = null) {
nextTNstep = parseInt (TNlifetime) 1;
nextTNstep = (nextTNstep> 5)? 0: next TN step;

var step = getParaOneNextStep (articlePostId, nextTNstep);
var cookieDateTNstep = new date ();
cookieDateTNstep.setTime (cookieDateTNstep.getTime () (30 * 24 * 60 * 60 * 1000));
document.cookie = “TNstep =” step “; expires =” cookieDateTNstep.toUTCString () “; path = /”;

var cookieDateTNlifetime = new date ();
cookieDateTNlifetime.setTime (cookieDateTNlifetime.getTime () (10 * 365 * 24 * 60 * 60 * 1000));
document.cookie = “TNlifetime =” Step “; expires =” cookieDateTNlifetime.toUTCString () “; path = /”;

$ (. abody- “articlePostId” .email-signup-module.para-one- “Paragraph_module [articlePostId] [step] .order” “) .show ();

/ * Show event tracking * /
ParagraphOneShowEvent (articlePostId, step);
/ * Show event tracking * /
}different{
var step = getParaOneNextStep (articlePostId, 0);
var cookieDateTNstep = new date ();
cookieDateTNstep.setTime (cookieDateTNstep.getTime () (30 * 24 * 60 * 60 * 1000));
document.cookie = “TNstep =” step “; expires =” cookieDateTNstep.toUTCString () “; path = /”;

var cookieDateTNlifetime = new date ();
cookieDateTNlifetime.setTime (cookieDateTNlifetime.getTime () (10 * 365 * 24 * 60 * 60 * 1000));
document.cookie = “TNlifetime =” Step “; expires =” cookieDateTNlifetime.toUTCString () “; path = /”;

$ (. abody- “articlePostId” .email-signup-module.para-one- “Paragraph_module [articlePostId] [step] .order” “) .show ();

/ * Show event tracking * /
ParagraphOneShowEvent (articlePostId, step);
/ * Show event tracking * /
}
}
}
}

/ *
* Event tracking functions
* /

/ * Paragraph 1 show event triggers * /
Function ParagraphOneShowEvent (ArticlePostId, Step) {

if (typeof articlePostId! == typeof undefined && typeof step! == typeof undefined && (typeof Paragraph_module [articlePostId]! == typeof undefined) && (paragraph_module [articlePostId_name]) [step]
/ *
* Track Views Paragraph a module GTM
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaParagraphOneShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ” Paragraph_module [articlePostId] [step] .event_name ”,
‘gaEventAction’: ” Paragraph_module [articlePostId] [step] .event_name ‘-show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}

/ * Paragraph one-click event triggers * /
Function ParagraphOneClickEvent (ArticlePostId, Step) {

if (typeof articlePostId! == typeof undefined && typeof step! == typeof undefined && (typeof Paragraph_module [articlePostId]! == typeof undefined) && (paragraph_module [articlePostId_name]) [step]
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaParagraphOneEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ” Paragraph_module [articlePostId] [step] .event_name ”,
‘gaEventAction’: ” Paragraph_module [articlePostId] [step] .event_name ‘-click’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}

/ *
* Event tracking functions
* /

/ * Associated single item * /
function relatedSingleArticle (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.related-oneup”). length> 0) {

var count = jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.related-oneup”). length;
for (i = 0; i 0) {

var count = jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.related-multi”). length;
for (i = 0; i 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Current issue of the GTM module
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘event’: ‘gaCurrentIssueModuleShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘Current output module’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘Current output module show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}

/ * Inline CTA 1 calls * /
Function inlineCtaOne (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.inline-cta-1”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Current issue of the GTM module
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaInlineCtaOneShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘inline-cta-1’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘inline-cta-1-show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}

/ * Inline-CTA 2 calls * /
Function inlineCtaTwo (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.inline-cta-2”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Current issue of the GTM module
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaInlineCtaTwoShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘inline-cta-2’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘inline-cta-2-show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}
Function inlineCtaSignup (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.inline-cta_form”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Current issue of the GTM module
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘event’: ‘gaInlineCtaSignupShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘Inline cta registration’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘inline-cta-signup-show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}
/ * Author Highlight Views * /
Function authorHighlight (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.author-modules”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Author Highlight GTM
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaAuthorHighlightShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘Author Highlight’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘Author Highlight Show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}

/ * Series module views * /
Function seriesModule (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.series-modules”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track view series module GTM
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaSeriesModuleShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘Series Module’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘Series Module Show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}

/ * Comment module views * /
Function CommentModule (ArticlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.comment-module”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Comment Module GTM
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaCommentsModuleShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘Comments module’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘Comments module display’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}

/ * Books Salad Views * /
Function books salad (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.book-module”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Books Salat GTM
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘event’: ‘gaBooksSaladShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘Book Salad’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘Book Salad Show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}

/ * Action Tout Module Views * /
Function actionToutModule (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.takeaction”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Action Tout Module GTM
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaActionToutModuleShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘action-tout-module’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘action-tout-module-show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}

/ * Sidebar Community Module Views * /
Function SidebarCommunityModule (articlePostId) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-reduce”). length == 0 || jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “.expand-close”). length! = 0) {

if (jQuery (“. postid-” articlePostId “aside.n-community”). length> 0) {
/ *
* Track Views Sidebar Community Module GTM
* /
dataLayer.push ({
‘Event’: ‘gaSidebarShowEvent’,
‘gaEventCategory’: ‘Sidebar Community’,
‘gaEventAction’: ‘Sidebar Community Show’,
‘gaEventLabel’: document.URL,
});
}
}
}

/ * Taxnonomy and Author GA Event on single item page * /
Function gaTaxonomyAuthor (gaEventCategory, gaEventAction, gaEventLabel) {
dataLayer.push ({
“event”: “gaglobaltaxonomyauthor”,
“gaEventCategory”: gaEventCategory,
“gaEventAction”: gaEventAction,
“gaEventLabel”: gaEventLabel
});
}

jQuery (document) .ready (function ($) {

/ * ============== Variables ================== * /

var PreventLoad_article = false;
var flag = false;
var $ e = $ (‘. article-body’). children (). last ();
var $ t = $ e.prop (“tagName”);
var tagsArray = [‘FORM’, ‘ASIDE’];
var othertagsArray = {‘UL’: ‘li’, ‘OL’: ‘li’, ‘BLOCKQUOTE’: ‘p’};
var url_id = window.location.hash.substr (1);
var pageChange = 1;
var ArticlePostId = 399652;
Varnumber = 1;
var article_divider = 1;
var loagAgn = false;
var scroll_art_recric = true;
var list;

/ * ============== Variables ================== * /

/ * Taxnonomy and Author GA Event on single item page * /
var allSubject = $ (‘. postid-‘ articlePostId ‘input [name = “tpTags”]’). val ();
var allAuthor = $ (‘. postid-‘ articlePostId ‘input [name = “tpContentAuthor”]’). val ();
var first_article_title = $ (‘. postid-‘ articlePostId) .attr (‘articlelisttitle’);
var first_article_path = $ (‘. postid-‘ articlePostId) .attr (‘articlelistlinks’);

var allSubject = allSubject.split (‘,’);
$ .each (allSubject, function (i, allsubval) {
gaTaxonomyAuthor (allsubval, first_article_title, first_article_path);
});

var allAuthor = allAuthor.split (‘,’);
$ .each (allAuthor, function (i, allautval) {
gaTaxonomyAuthor (allautval, first_article_title, first_article_path);
});

/ *
* Body content image in the gallery
* /

$ (‘section.article-body img’). each (function () {
if ($ (this) .parent (“a”). parent (“figure”). hasClass (‘bx-item’)) {
Flag = true;
}different{
var href_val = $ (this) .parent (“a”). attr (‘href’);
var img_src = $ (this) .attr (‘src’);

if (href_val === img_src &&! $ (this) .parents (). hasClass (“email-signup-module”)) {
$ (this) .parent (“a”). addClass (“gallery”);
}different{
if (! $ (this) .parent (“a”). hasClass (“no-target-blank”)) {
$ (this) .parent (“a”). attr (‘target’, ‘_ blank’);
}
}
}
});

/ *
* Run image slider
* /

if (flag) {
runSlider (jQuery (‘. gallery-2’));
}

/ *
* Register email
* /
if (! flag) {
email_signup_module (399652);
}

/ *
* Article N logo
* /
ArticleNLogo (399652);

/ *
* Associated single item track
* /
Related Item (399652);

/ *
* Associated track with several articles
* /
Related MultiArticle (399652);

/ *
* Module track of the current issue
* /
currentIssueModule (399652);

/ *
* Inline CTA One Track
* /
inlineCtaOne (399652);

/ *
* Inline CTA with two lanes
* /
inlineCtaTwo (399652);

/ *
* Inline CTA enrollment track
* /
inlineCtaSignup (399652);
/ *
* Author’s highlight track
* /
authorHighlight (399652);

/ *
* Serial module track
* /
Serial Module (399652);

/ *
* Comment module track
* /
CommentModule (399652);

/ *
* Books Salad Track
* /
BooksSalad (399652);

/ *
* Promotion Tout Module Track
* /
actionToutModule (399652);

/ *
* Sidebar Community Module Track
* /
Sidebar CommunityModule (399652);

/ *
* @Function for printing articles
* /

/ *
* Check on video
* /

/ *
* Red dot after article content
* /

if (jQuery.inArray ($ t, tagsArray)! = ‘- 1’) {
}different{
if ($ t in an other day array) {
$ (‘. article-body> p: last-of-type’). toggleClass (‘changed’);
$ e.find (anothertagsArray [$ t] ‘: last’). addClass (‘redotclass’);
}
}

/ *
* this packed in jQuery gives us the current .letter-q div
* /

$ (‘figure’). each (function () {
if ($ (this) .hasClass (‘alignright’) || $ (this) .hasClass (‘alignleft’) || $ (this) .hasClass (‘aligncenter’)) {
$ (this) .to (‘

‘);
}
});

/ *
* Scroll IF # ID exists in URL
* /
if (url_id! = ”) {
var s = URL_ID;
var n = s.indexOf (‘/’);
if (n! = ” && typeof n! = ‘undefined’) {
var id_var = s.substring (0, n! = -1? n: s.length);
$ (‘html, body’). animate ({
scrollTop: $ (‘#’ id_var) .offset (). top
}, 2000);
return wrong;
}
}

/ *
* Check for audio
* /

/ *
* Script to handle the back button event
* /

if (window.attachEvent) {
window.attachEvent (‘onpopstate’, datHash);
}

Function datHash (event) {
var str = $ (‘# goback’). val ();
if (str == ”) {
window.history.go (-Math.abs (pageChange));
}different{
window.history.go (-Math.abs (pageChange));
}
return wrong;
}

/ *
*
* /
$ (‘. post-edit-link’). attr (‘href’, function (_, action) {
return action.replace (‘https’, ‘http’);
});

/ *
* @Function to load articles in infinite scrolling
* /

$ (‘a.inifiniteLoader’). hide ();

Function loadArticle (pageNumber) {

$ (‘a.inifiniteLoader’). show (‘fast’);

$ .ajax ({

URL: “https://www.thenation.com/wp-admin/admin-ajax.php”,
Type: ‘POST’,
Cache: wrong,
Data type: ‘json’,
data: {action: ‘infinite_scroll’, page_no: pageNumber, loop_file: ‘articleload’, slug: ‘history, rassism-and-discrimination’, curr_post_id: ‘399652’},
Success: Function (received HTML) {

if (typeof receiveHTML == ‘Object’ && ReceivedHTML! = null) {
if (typeof receiveHTML.html! == ‘undefined’ && ReceivedHTML.html! = ”) {
html = receivedHTML.html;
}
}different{
$ (‘a.inifiniteLoader’). hide ();
$ (“# single_article_footer”). show ();
}

$ (‘a.inifiniteLoader’). hide (‘1000’);

if (typeof receiveHTML == ‘Object’ && ReceivedHTML! = null) {

$ (“# wrap”). append (html); // This will be the div our content will be loaded into

var postID = $ ($. parseHTML (html)). filter (“. scrolltrace”). attr (‘article-post-id’);
var postLink = $ ($. parseHTML (html)). filter (“. scrolltrace”). attr (‘articlelistlinks’);
var postTitle = $ ($. parseHTML (html)). filter (“. scrolltrace”). attr (‘articlelisttitle’);

$ (‘. abody-‘ postID ‘.article-body-inner’). children (‘p: first-of-type’). html (function (i, html) {
if ($ (‘. abody-‘ postID) .children (‘img’). length == “0”) {
var text = $ (‘. abody-‘ postID ‘.article-body-inner’). children (‘p: first-of-type’). html ();
$ (‘. abody-‘ postID ‘.article-body-inner’). children (‘p: first-of-type’). html (text.replace (/ ^ ()? ([A-Za-z0- 9]) / g, ‘$ 1 $ 2’));
}
});

if (! $ (‘. abody-‘ postID ”) .parent (). parent (). hasClass (‘textContainer_Truncate’)) {
$ (”). insertAfter (‘. abody-‘ postID);
}

/ *
* Number of article dividers
* /
Article divider = article divider 1;
$ (‘. abody-‘ postID ”) .attr (“article-number”, article_divider);

/ * to hide Meterpaywall popups when calling pixel ads starts here * /
var hidePixelBool = false;
var meetkatstep1 = jQuery (‘# paywall .step.one’);
var meetkatstep2 = jQuery (‘# paywall .step.two’);
var meetkatstep3 = jQuery (‘# paywall .step.three’);
var meetkatstep4 = jQuery (‘# paywall .step.four’);
if (typeof meetkatstep1! = ‘undefined’ && meetkatstep1.is (‘: visible’)) {
hidePixelBool = true;
}
if (typeof meetkatstep2! = ‘undefined’ && meetkatstep2.is (‘: visible’)) {
hidePixelBool = true;
}
if (typeof meetkatstep3! = ‘undefined’ && meetkatstep3.is (‘: visible’)) {
hidePixelBool = true;
}
if (typeof meetkatstep4! = ‘undefined’ && meetkatstep4.is (‘: visible’)) {
hidePixelBool = true;
}
if (hidePixelBool === false) {
/ * to hide Meterpaywall popups if the call of pixel ads ends here * /
/ **** Alternative popup code start ********* /
var enable_alterpopup_check;
enable_alterpopup_check = ”;
if (typeof (enable_alterpopup_check)! = “undefined” && enable_alterpopup_check == 1) {
var alternative_article_no;
alternative_article_no = ”;
if (pageCounterPaywall% alternative_article_no == 0 && pageCounterPaywall! = 0) {
show_lightbox (”, ”);
}
}
/ ******* Alternative popup code end ******** /
}

pageCounterPaywall;
ajaxCarousel (postID);
ajaxGallery (postID);
ArticleNLogo (postID);

/ ** Slider content ** /
Flag = false;
$ (‘section.article-body: last image’). each (function () {
if ($ (this) .parent (“a”). parent (“figure”). hasClass (‘bx-item’)) {
Flag = true;
}different{
$ (this) .parent (“a”). addClass (“gallery”);
}
});

if (flag) {
var k = $ (‘section.article-body: last’). find (‘. gallery-2’). bxSlider ({
adaptive height: true,
adaptive height speed: 500,
infinite loop: wrong,
hideControlOnEnd: false,
Pager: wrong
});
k.reloadSlider ();
}
/ * End of slider content * /

var usera = navigator.userAgent.toLowerCase ();
if ($ (‘. article-page’). length) {
var slickWidth = $ (‘. article-list.slick-slide’). width ();

if ($ (‘. ie9’). length) {
slickWidth = $ (‘. recirc-carousel.slick-initialized.slick-slider’). width ();
}
$ (‘. slick-list.draggable’). css ({‘width’: slickWidth});
if (! / android | webos | iphone | ipad | ipod | blackberry / i.test (usera)) {
$ (‘. article-list.slick-slide’). children (‘li’). css ({‘width’: slickWidth});
$ (‘. slick-list’). css ({‘width’: slickWidth});
}
}

var $ new article = $ (html);
var imagesLoading = [];

$ newArticles.find (‘img’). each (function () {

// Create a new delayed object for each image that will be resolved when the
// The image has been loaded and add it to an array of delayed objects.

var loadingImage = $ .Deferred ();
imagesLoading.push (loadingImage);

// “this” is the picture element here and should have a full property.
// See http://stackoverflow.com/a/24201249

if (this.complete) {
loadingImage.resolve ();
}different{
var adTimeout = window.setTimeout (function () {
loadingImage.resolve ();
}, 3000);

this.addEventListener (‘load’, function () {
loadingImage.resolve ();
window.clearTimeout (adTimeout);
});

this.addEventListener (‘error’, function () {
// We really don’t care if the image never loads, but we still need it
// to break the promise so we can reset the waypoints.
loadingImage.resolve ();
window.clearTimeout (adTimeout);
});

// Clean up the event listener
this.removeEventListener (‘load’, function () {
loadingImage.resolve ();
window.clearTimeout (adTimeout);
});
this.removeEventListener (‘error’, function () {
loadingImage.resolve ();
window.clearTimeout (adTimeout);
});
}
});
$ .when.apply (this, imagesLoading) .then (function () {
fixedAds ($ (‘. postid-‘ postID) .children (‘article’));
}, Function () {
console.log (arguments);
});
/ ** Inifnite Scroll Share this * /
var newSharePostID = window .__ sharethis __. config [‘inline-share-buttons’];
newSharePostID.id = “inline-share-button-” postID;
newSharePostID.url = postLink;
newSharePostID.title = postTitle;
window .__ sharethis __. load (‘inline-share-buttons’, newSharePostID);

$ (“# inline-share-button-” postID “> .st-last”) .removeClass (“st-last”);
$ (“# inline-share-button-” postID) .append (‘Bookmark’);

if (getCookie (‘SESSuserinfo’)! = false) {
var tn_sfg_local = localStorage.getItem (“tn_sfg_local”);
if (null! = tn_sfg_local && undefined! = tn_sfg_local && ”! = tn_sfg_local) {
tn_sfg_local = JSON.parse (tn_sfg_local);
if (tn_sfg_local.includes (parseInt (postID))) {
$ (‘. currentScr’). find (‘. tn-sfg-add-to-list’). addClass (‘selected’);
$ (‘. currentScr’). find (‘. tn-sfg-add-to-list’). removeClass (‘hide’);
}different {
$ (‘. currentScr’). find (‘. tn-sfg-add-to-list’). removeClass (‘hide’);
}
} different {
$ (‘. currentScr’). find (‘. tn-sfg-add-to-list’). removeClass (‘hide’);
}
}

}
}
});
return wrong;
}

/ *
* Load second article while scrolling
* /

$ (Window) .bind (‘scroll’, function () {

$ (‘. scrolltrace’). each (function () {

var post = $ (this);
var topp = post.position (). top;
var bott = post.position (). top post.height ();
var pos = $ (window) .scrollTop ();

if (pos> = topp && pos 0) {

}different{
window.history.pushState ({}, “”, $ (‘. currentScr’). attr (‘articlelistlinks’));

articlePostId = $ (‘. currentScr’). attr (“article-post-id”);

/ * New non-subscriber to Infinite Scroll * /
if (null! = is_user_logged_in) {
var tn_sfg_local = localStorage.getItem (“tn_sfg_local”);
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ParagraphOneClickEvent (article_id, current_step);
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$ (document) .on (‘click’, ‘. inline_cta_signup’, function () {

var current_email_signup = $ (this) .parents (.inline-cta-form-module “);
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$ (“. inline_cta__form_toperror_” article_id) .html (“”);
var email = $ (“# inline_cta__email_” article_id) .val ();
var sailthru_list = $ (“# inline_cta__sail_list_” article_id) .val ();
var current_parent = $ (this) .parent ();

if (email! = ” && typeof email! == typeof undefined) {
if (! isValidEmailAddress (Email)) {
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$ (. inline_cta__form_error_ “article_id) .html (data);
}different{
$ (“. inline_cta__signup_module_” article_id) .hide ();
if (data.indexOf (‘verify_email’)> 0) {
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$ (“# inline_cta__form_thanks” article_id) .show ();
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});
Function isJSON (string) {
Try {
JSON.parse (string);
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return wrong;
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return true;
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x

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jQuery (document) .on (‘click’, ‘.tn-sfg-subs-close’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault ();
jQuery (.tn-show-sfg-subs-popup “). toggleClass (” hide “);
jQuery (“body”). css ({“overflow”: “unset”});
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